Bold Institutional Reforms Key To Building National Unity

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True national unity can only be built through bold institutional reforms - parliamentary reform, decentralisation, depoliticalisation of the Attorney-General’s Chambers (AGC), MACC and police, and electoral system modification - to address and reduce Malay anxiety.
Projek Sama calls for a frank and respectful conversation among all Malaysians involving all major parties at all levels to discuss how to address Malay anxiety in democratisation.
Malaysia’s majoritarian political system needs to gradually move towards the direction of a consensus democracy that ensures no community, including the ethnic majority, feels insecure.
The fact is that the over-concentration of power has benefited the ethnic Malay-Muslims politically, economically and socially under Umno-BN’s one-party dominance, but is now posing a psychological threat to them as the nation democratises.
ADSAs Malay-Muslims are now represented by at least five national parties and three regional parties, Malays naturally fear that this winner-takes-all political structure would fall into the hands of other Malaysians who would then undo all the pro-Malay/Muslim/bumiputera policies.
Political reunification
To “politically reunify” the Malay-Muslims under one roof, the monoethnic opposition Perikatan Nasional and ultra-right Malay groups’ game plan is to stage incessant culture wars to cause a mid-term collapse of government reminiscent of a Sheraton Move 2.0 or a crushing defeat of both Pakatan Harapan and Umno in the upcoming state election and 16th general election.
The Madani government’s alternative for Malay unity is to starve the PN parliamentarians in constituency funding and marginalise them in shaping laws and policies, in the hope that PAS or Bersatu might be forced to join the Madani camp before GE16, or perform poorly in GE16, such that the Madani government may win most of the Malay-majority seats.
Neither solution – aiming to eliminate multiparty competition in Malay politics – will produce clean and accountable politics, as a grand coalition would mean only political patronage, abuse of power and corruption.
Ruling politicians will likely cover up each other’s corruption and policy abuse, as demonstrated in the Sabah mining prospecting licence scandal.
And another 1MDB scandal may soon erupt. Already, the Government Procurement Bill, passed on Thursday, worryingly gives ministers unchecked powers.
The outcome will not be sustainable unless Malaysia rolls back democratisation and sinks into a one-party state or dictatorship.
Short-lived unity project
In both the 1972-1977 Umno-PAS cohabitation and the 2020- 2022 Umno-PN governments, the Malay unity project was short-lived, ending in bitter bickering and, for the former, even deeper division of Malay-Muslims following the 1981 Amanat Hadi.
Worse, before the third Malay coalition government is formed, Malaysians will continue to be torn apart by incessant episodes of culture wars and minority witch-hunting to amplify Malay anxiety.
The non-stop fanning of Malay anxiety has triggered or deepened anxiety in other communities, altogether weakening national unity, resulting in a somewhat dampened mood in the Merdeka Day-Malaysia Day celebration.
Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh and other wing members at a flag rally in Kepala Batas, Penang on Aug 14ADSPurportedly to revive Umno’s image as Malay rights champion, Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh and his gang turn every unintentional mistake by businesses and media into intentional attacks on Islam, Malays or Malaysia.
In 2024, it was KK Mart’s erroneous import and sales of socks with a design resembling “Allah” in Arabic, which ended in three Molotov cocktail attacks in Bidor, Kuantan and Kuching, and until today, the police have failed to arrest any suspect.
In 2025, it was the wrongful display of the national flag. While this was inconveniently also committed by Terengganu PAS, the Education Ministry, Terengganu Umno Youth and the Malacca Historical City Council, Sin Chew Daily and a hardware shop owner in Penang were paraded as traitors to the nation.
More hollow calls for national unity from national leaders on the National Day, more flags on buildings and by the roadside and grander parades would not bring Malaysians closer to true national unity, which must be based on multiparty democracy, the rule of law and human rights.
Race-based lens
It is heartening that Iman Research has found in its in-depth qualitative survey “Orang Kita” that Malay youth are supportive of pluralism and want ethnic-based policies like the New Economic Policy reformed to benefit all Malaysians, not just elites.
However, the survey also pointed to the danger that discontent with local development may be perceived through an ethnic lens, as in the case of some Seberang Perai respondents.
This is already happening with the Urban Renewal Act (URA) bill, which affects old urban settlements disproportionately inhabited by B40 Malays.
Class discontent is always a ready material to be repackaged as ethnic grievance. While tenants of all ethno-religious backgrounds may fall prey to a controversial bill, PN is happily framing it as an anti-Malay plan pushed by a DAP minister to aid Chinese developers.
That the URA bill is delayed till the next parliamentary sitting, starting in October and that the minister has promised some amendments are positive developments.
However, this does not ensure all grievances would be heard and addressed, most of all, and the URA would not be turned into a divisive issue exploited from now till GE16.
The government should have referred the bill to the bipartisan 12-member Parliamentary Special Select Committee (PSSC) on Infrastructure, Transportation and Communication, headed by Gabungan Parti Sarawak’s Tanjong Manis MP Yusuf Abd Wahab and consisting of four PN members: Khairil Nizam Khirudin (Jerantut), Wan Saiful Wan Jan (Tasek Gelugor), Ahmad Fadhli Shaari (Pasir Mas) and Azahari Hassan (Padang Rengas).
Improvement of the URA bill via a PSSC with one-third of PN parliamentarians would not only bring more diverse views for a broader interest, such as those from PN states, to be taken on board. It will give the final URA greater legitimacy and avoid the politicalisation of urban development and poverty into another ethnically divisive issue.
Ball in PM’s court
As it stands, it appears that only Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has the power to alter the course of the URA legislation.
He may, through the cabinet, instruct the Housing and Local Government to actively involve all 12 MPs in the PSSC in consultations until Parliament reconvenes in October, and to immediately refer the bill to the PSSC thereafter with a motion passed by the Dewan Rakyat to that effect.
Doing so would show that the Madani government is not giving lip service to parliamentary reform with its earlier move to expand the PSSCs and make them permanent.
Bersih chairperson Faisal Abdul Aziz has rightly questioned why several recent bills have been rushed through Parliament if the government truly wants to introduce more checks and balances in the legislative process.
As Malaysia’s democracy deepens, as we celebrate the 68th anniversary of Malaya’s independence today and in three weeks, the 62nd anniversary of Malaysia’s formation, Anwar has two choices.
One, he can give another grand but hollow speech calling for national unity under his Madani vision, as if what Malaysia lacks is another grand speech of moral persuasion.
Two, he can honestly address Malay anxiety and take gradual steps to introduce bold institutional reforms towards a consensus democracy: parliamentary reform; decentralisation; depoliticalisation of the AGC, MACC and police; and adding party-list seats with gender quota to the first-past-the-post seats.
He can keep his eyes on how to protect and expand his powers. Or he can use his powers to make Malay-Muslims and all other Malaysians feel more secure in the blessed land of Malaysia, to be remembered by posterity alongside Tunku Abdul Rahman, for bringing sustainable inclusion, harmony and progress. - Mkini
PROJEK SAMA is an initiative to advocate for institutional reforms for the sake of political stability and accountability at a time when our nation steers through the uncharted waters of a hung Parliament and coalition government.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT.

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