Without A Taib Or An Adenan Borneo Has No Chance Against Against Anwar

---

Anwar did not go through what he went through just to be known as the PM of West Malaysia. He will do whatever it takes to secure his position as the PM of the whole of Malaysia.
Nehru Sathiamoorthy
If Taib Mahmud was still alive and at the helm, he would have recognised the danger that Sarawak was in as soon as GE 15 ended with PH and PN lying in a draw. He would have known that a weak Putrajaya and a strong Sarawak would inevitably lead to the parties in Putrajaya trying to strengthen themselves by weakening Sarawak, and he would have wasted no time to take preventive measures and nip the problem in the bud.
If Taib was alive, he would have quickly decided whether he wanted a cooperative or a confrontational relationship with Anwar, and proceeded to execute a plan based upon the decision.
If Taib wanted to have a cooperative relationship with Anwar, he probably would have offered Anwar the same deal he had offered Mahathir.
During the reign of Mahathir, Taib had prevented Semenanjung parties from entering Sarawak by coming up with a “carrot and stick” arrangement with all the stakeholders in Sarawak and Putrajaya that made it clear to all parties concerned that to avoid pain and enjoy the benefits, it would be best to let him rule Sarawak and stay true to the concessions that they have agreed upon.
To Putrajaya, he conceded Sarawak’s oil and gas rights in return for autonomy and non-interference; to regular Sarawakians, he provided a degree of social welfare, stability and the right to self-governance in return for their votes while to the political and business elites of Sarawak, he provided opportunities to make immense profit for as long as they propped up his reign.
To seal his agreements with them, Taib also cultivated a ruthless streak, where he had no qualms in nipping a problem from the bud before it could fester. Taib was a gifted fighter-warrior-ruler who could read the hearts and minds of those around him; and he used his position at the top of Sarawak’s pyramid of power to his advantage effectively, if not ruthlessly, to eliminate any potential threat to his rule.
By a combination of generosity, ruthlessness and a reputation of keeping his word, he was able to reign for over decades, with the grudging support of all the stakeholders involved.
Had Taib decided to confront rather than cooperate with Anwar on the other hand, he would have had no illusions that he must force Anwar to grant Sarawak 35 percent of the parliament seats as soon as Anwar became the PM.
Sarawak was the Kingmaker in the federation when GE 15 concluded. It could have asked for anything and the contending parties in Putrajaya – be it PH or PN – would have been forced to agree to its demands.
Taib would have entertained no illusions that the only time that he could force Anwar to sue for peace with him, was when Anwar was weak and dependent on the support of Sabah and Sarawak, as Anwar was in the initial period of his reign. He would not have allowed Anwar to delay granting him 35 percent of the parliament seats for months and years and allow Anwar to restrengthen by affording him the luxury of time to recuperate.
With the 35 percent of parliaments seats in his hands, he would have likely attempted to ally himself with the political ronins in Semanjung like Khairy, Syed Saddiq or Mahathir, to create a coalition that would be powerful enough to topple Anwar in Semenanjung, if Anwar dared to make a move into Borneo. For all you know, had Taib decided to confront Anwar, he might even have decided to cast the die and cross the Rubicon, and launch a campaign to conquer Putrajaya. He probably would have realised that when you decide to confront someone like Anwar, you must go all out, or risk being wiped out.
With 35 percent of the parliament’s seat within his control and the Semenanjung parties in disarray, Taib would only be 15 percent short of taking Putrajaya. If he manages to secure the alliance of Mahathir, Syed Saddiq or Khairy in Semenanjung, by promising the likes of Mahathir or Khairy the PM seat in return for their alliance, today, it would have likely be Anwar that would have been in a defensive position against an offensive campaign from Borneo, instead of Borneo staring at a potential takeover from the Putrajaya.
Taib also would not have been so foolish as to stand idly by as Anwar made move after move to break PN in Semenanjung. He would have realised that it was only for as long PH and PN were tied in Semenanjung that Sarawak was safe, and used Sarawak’s position as a kingmaker post GE 15, to ensure that PN never becomes so weakened that Anwar will be able to take his relationship with Sarawak for granted.
If Taib was still around, he would likely have frustrated Anwar’s attempts to weaken the leadership of Muhyiddin Yassin and he would have definitely delegitimised the move by the 6 rebel Bersatu MPs to throw their support behind Anwar. He would have not only realised that if Anwar is able to get his hands on opposition MPs to strengthen his rule, Anwar is almost certainly going to train his guns on the Bornean states to strengthen his grip on the federation, he would have also realised that if he doesn’t prevent Anwar from using state instruments on his political opponents or wrest opposition MPs to his fold, there would be nothing stopping Anwar from doing the same thing to PBB/GPS, when he begins his campaign to takeover the Bornean states.
Alas, Taib is no longer around today, and the successors he left behind are not the warrior that he himself was.
Taib was also probably a mentor who taught with closed hands, meaning that he likely did not impart the full knowledge of how to acquire or secure power to his successors. No matter how close his successors were to him, Taib probably never revealed everything he had in his heart and mind to them.
If the late Adenan Satem was at the helm of Sarawak today, none of this would have mattered, because Adenan had managed to gain the knowledge of acquiring and securing power by merit. Even without being trained by Taib, Adenan would have known how to acquire and secure power, because he had acquired and secured his position as the premier of Sarawak without the support and despite the reservation of Taib.
Like Taib, Adenan had learned about power from reality itself. They both learned it from reality, by going through the experience of wresting power from their predecessors.
Not being fully trained on how to secure power by Taib and not taking power by merit like Adenan or Taib himself, Taib and Adenan’s successors are fair weather leaders who are likely only able to maintain their grip on power for as long they are not put to test.
When they are put to test, especially by someone like Anwar, who had spent the last 25 years of his life to conquer Putrajaya, it is hard to see how they are going to stay afloat, unless they are extremely lucky.
Anwar is a battle-hardened warrior, who spent two stints in jail and faced the sort of humiliation that would have broken a lesser man, in order to fight and defeat someone of the calibre of Mahathir Muhammad.
Anwar did not go through what he went through just to be known as the PM of West Malaysia. He will do whatever it takes to secure his position as the PM of the whole of Malaysia.
Anwar is almost certainly going to launch a digvijaya against the Bornean states, and when he does, I am quite certain that without someone like Taib or Adenan at the helm, the Bornean elites have no chance against the onslaught of someone as formidable and experienced as Anwar.
 
The post Without a Taib or an Adenan, Borneo has no chance against against Anwar appeared first on Malaysia Today.

---