Prime Minister Muhyiddin S Emergency Delusion

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"Power is not a means; it is an end.” 
- George Orwell, 1984
Kadir Jasin is right when he says that the prime minister’s continuing obsession about declaring an emergency makes him look weak. 
Not only does it make him look weak, it also is further evidence that a fractured Malay uber alles government is an unstable proposition, and any time political operatives make pacts with traitors, the end result is a weakening of the Malay political establishment.
When Umno that has a pedigree of autocratic rule distances itself from such a gambit, you know that the current prime minister is scraping the bottom of the political barrel. What exactly does the PN hope to achieve with the emergency rule?
Forget about the political ramifications of such a move. What this would mean is that the state security apparatus then takes centre stage in enforcing diktats from the state. Does the PN government understand what this means or does the PN state assume that emergency rule would not disrupt the normality of the economic and social life of this country?
As I have detailed in numerous pieces about the state security apparatus, what we are dealing with is an organism composed of fiefdoms aligned with various political power structures whose loyalty is more often not to the state but rather various power groups inside and outside the government.
How do you think the PN state which has demonstrated that it could not organise an orgy in a brothel, be able to handle the complex and political riven mechanisms of the state when even Umno - which more or less defines the state security apparatus and the various branches of the armed forces - is not on board with this emergency?
So, you declare an “emergency” then what? The PN state claims that this is about the pandemic, but we know that this is complete horse manure. So let us assume that the DAP, and certainly Umno, are correct and this is about maintaining power. How exactly does the PN state intend to maintain power in a political environment like this?
Certainly, Bersatu has attempted to placate Umno and PAS and whoever else is in this rickety dink coalition with positions, access to federal coffers and a myriad of other enticements for political support, but this has proven – for Umno at least – to be insufficient. What do you think will be the consequences of the Umno grassroots, which are already agitating, if the emergency rule is applied and avenues to power are further cut off?
Not only that, when we have the emergency rule and the political situation is unstable, this allows for emissaries of the deep Islamic state to further agendas which are detrimental to the democracy of this country. 
The "deep Islamic state" is a result of the vast religious bureaucracy, the doctrinal teachings of propaganda endeavours like the Biro Tata Negara (BTN), the religious education system and foreign influence, either through education or experience in foreign theatres of war.
What we are talking about here are "travellers" who enjoy the support, either knowingly or unknowingly, of the Malay/Muslim political apparatus in this country, who believe they are setting the religious agenda, but in reality, are being manipulated by fascist elements with agendas of their own.






What an emergency gives them is an opportunity to reshape government policy without any kind of oversight from the political apparatus - establishment or opposition - and the means through the state security apparatus and weak prime minister to carry out such agendas.
Think about this way. The fact that entertainment outlets are subject to the closure because of social distancing and the alcohol licences are stopped because of “drink driving” does not happen in a vacuum. 
While political operatives think they gain mileage from supporting such issues, beneath it all are travellers who take advantage of political discord or pandemics to further virulent religious ideas.
The fact that the prime minister and his loyalists were trying to spin this as not an emergency but something more palatable, indicates that they are afraid of the consequences of “genuine” emergency rule and that they want the trappings of an emergency – the subordination of political and judicial oversight – in the hopes of maintaining power.
What the prime minister does not understand, or maybe he just does not care, is that a half-past-six emergency will not grant him the kind of power he needs. Indeed, what it would do is embolden his political adversaries because they believe he does not have the guts to truly wreck the system, which is what genuine emergency would do. 
This, of course, may necessitate further more drastic actions from the prime minister, which would further jeopardise the economic stability of the country.
Syahredzan Johan astutely points out that even the Royal Institution was concerned about the possible abuse of political power - “The word 'membatasi ' was the only one to be highlighted in red in the statement. The other words were printed in black. This statement is significant as it suggests that the rulers were of the view that there could be elements of abuse of power in an emergency, and that the Agong's role is to ensure that executive powers are not abused.” 
What is truly unbelievable is the hubris of this government. Here you have an opposition which is willing to work with you, the backing of transactional allies until the next election and a public which is willing to put up with anything as long as the state provides some sort of relief from the pandemic.
The fact that the prime minister and his loyalists think that the best way to maintain power is by staging an emergency, is indicative of how truly delusional these people are.


S THAYAPARAN is Commander (Rtd) of the Royal Malaysian Navy. A retired barrister-at-law, he hopes young people will assume the mantle of leadership – if there is to be any hope for this country. - Mkini

The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT.

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