Malaysia Should No Longer Dwell On Identity Politics

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Malaysia is a nation born out of incredible diversity.
With Malays, Chinese, Indians, and numerous indigenous communities, and a religious mosaic comprising Islam, Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, and more, it is a country whose strength should lie in its plurality.
Yet, more than six decades after independence, Malaysia remains entangled in identity politics, where race and religion are often prioritised above national interest.
This imbalance not only stalls progress but puts the very fabric of the nation at risk.
ADSPatriotism - the idea that all citizens, regardless of race or religion, owe their loyalty to the nation above all else is not just a moral ideal. It is a practical necessity.
Around the world, nations that allowed sectarian or racial identity to trump national unity have paid dearly.
If Malaysia wishes to avoid a similar fate, it must foster a new civic consciousness, one that reimagines patriotism as the highest loyalty in a multiracial, multi-faith democracy.
When race and religion override patriotism
History offers grim lessons. Lebanon, once the Switzerland of the Middle East, descended into civil war when religious sectarianism overran civic unity.
Beirut, Lebanon, circa October 2024Bosnia and Rwanda offer similarly tragic examples: once-diverse societies torn apart by ethnic nationalism and religious supremacy.
In each of these cases, the state was not destroyed by foreign powers or economic failure, but by its people’s inability to see themselves as citizens first and foremost.
Even Pakistan, carved out of India in 1947 as a homeland for Muslims, demonstrates the dangers of religion-first nationalism.
While it was founded on a religious identity, its inability to balance that with inclusive governance has led to decades of instability, sectarian conflict, and a weakened democratic culture.
Bangladesh’s very existence today stems from Pakistan’s early failure to respect the ethnic and linguistic identity of Bengalis in favour of a narrow religious nationalism.
Malaysia, too, has flirted with these dangers. Policies that favour one race over others, political parties defined almost entirely by communal identity, and the repeated politicisation of religion have led not to unity, but to polarisation.
While not descending into the same violence as other countries, Malaysia has suffered in more insidious ways: brain drain, political stagnation, weakened institutions, and a growing distrust among its ethnic communities.
ADSMalaysia’s missed potential
Malaysia should be far more advanced than it is today. Blessed with natural resources, strategic geography, and a relatively high level of development in the 1980s and 1990s, it was once forecast to become one of Asia’s great success stories.
But countries like South Korea and Singapore have pulled far ahead, not just economically but in nation-building, because they prioritised meritocracy, unity, and civic nationalism.
Singapore offers a stark contrast. With a similarly diverse demographic and shared colonial history, Singapore chose a different path: strict secularism, zero tolerance for racial politics, and an education system designed to promote national identity over ethnic division.
While not without its flaws, Singapore’s success lies in fostering a sense of shared destiny.
In Malaysia, race and religion are often manipulated to gain political leverage, fracturing national solidarity.
Cost of identity politics
When patriotism takes a backseat to race or religion, the cost is high. Young Malaysians grow up internalising the idea that their race or religion defines their place in society.
This not only stifles ambition and innovation but also breeds resentment. Non-Malay citizens may feel alienated, while Malay citizens may come to rely on entitlement rather than empowerment.
The result is a fragile nation divided by suspicion rather than united by purpose.
Religious politicisation is equally dangerous. When Islam is used as a political weapon rather than a personal faith, it risks turning public policy into theological debates, marginalising not just non-Muslims but also Muslims who hold differing views.
A plural society cannot survive if public institutions are held hostage by religious dogma or if citizens are constantly reminded that their race or religion is a political liability.
Reimagining Malaysian patriotism
What Malaysia needs is a revival of patriotism, not in the form of slogans or flag-waving, but in deep structural reform.
Education should emphasise civic values, shared history, and constitutional democracy rather than communal pride.
Political parties must evolve beyond race-based platforms to address national concerns such as education, healthcare, corruption, and climate change, and government policies must move towards needs-based rather than race-based initiatives.
True patriotism asks not, “What does my race or religion gain?” but “What can I contribute to the nation?”
It allows Malaysians to see each other not through the lens of difference, but of common purpose.
Patriotism, in this sense, is not a rejection of culture or faith; it is the bridge that allows them to coexist.
This does not mean abandoning race or religion. On the contrary, a patriotic society protects religious freedom and cultural heritage more effectively because it recognises that diversity is an asset, not a threat.
Patriotism, when rooted in democratic values, creates space for multiple identities under one national banner.
A crucial crossroads
Malaysia stands at a crossroads. One path leads to continued fragmentation, a country forever negotiating its identity along ethnic and religious lines.
The other leads to renewal, a rebirth of national unity grounded in justice, equality, and a shared vision for the future.
The choice is not easy, especially when political incentives reward division, but the long-term survival and prosperity of Malaysia depend on it. A nation that cannot rise above race and religion will eventually fall beneath them.
Patriotism must become Malaysia’s highest common denominator. Only then can we build a nation not just for Malays, Chinese, Indians, or others but for all Malaysians. - Mkini
R PANEIR SELVAM is the principal consultant of Arunachala Research & Consultancy Sdn Bhd, a think tank specialising in strategic national and geopolitical matters.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT.

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