A Critical View As Malaysia China Relations Enters New Golden Era

---

 


 After a long wait, Chinese President Xi Jinping completed his state visit to Malaysia from April 15 to 17. This was his first state visit to Malaysia in 13 years.
The outcomes of the visit were formalised in a joint statement and the signing of 31 bilateral agreements and memoranda, covering a wide spectrum of issues from global security to a bilateral visa exemption policy.
Malaysia’s endorsement of China’s Global Security Initiative, Global Development Initiative, and Global Civilisation Initiative, and the inclusion of Kuala Lumpur in the 2+2 vice-ministerial meeting framework, and the mutual agreement to build a high-level strategic China-Malaysia community with a shared future were among the key developments.
Among these initiatives, the Global Security Initiative is particularly notable, as it has been framed as a flagship public good offered by China.
ADSDuring the signing ceremony, the Global Security Initiative was prioritised as the first agreement, a symbolic indication of its significance.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Anwar IbrahimMalaysia’s extraordinary warm reception, coupled with Malaysian police’s contentious pre-emptive detention of 76 Falun Gong practitioners before Xi’s visit, signified that Malaysia-China relations were entering a “new golden era”, as hailed by both Malaysian and Chinese leaders.
Potential risk
Although the Malaysia-China joint statement does not explicitly signal changes to the comprehensive strategic partnership, an elevation of Malaysia-China strategic relations is evident.
Firstly, Malaysia became the first country to endorse all three of China’s global initiatives and even committed to jointly promoting them at the international level.
Secondly, after Korea, Malaysia will establish a Vice-Ministerial level Joint Foreign and Defence Meeting with China.
Thirdly, both countries agreed to build a high-level strategic China-Malaysia community with a shared future, ranking second only to China and Cambodia’s ironclad friendship within Asean.
These developments suggest Malaysia’s further alignment towards China, but may it come at the cost of its perceived international neutrality.
Malaysia has historically been a strong advocate of the Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (Zopfan), established by the 1971 Kuala Lumpur Declaration.
In light of this, Kuala Lumpur has translated the stance of neutrality into a hedging strategy and equidistant principles to manage its relations with major powers.
Despite the concern being addressed through both countries reaffirming their commitment to the Asean Charter, the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC), and Asean Centrality, the concept of neutrality, a traditional cornerstone of Malaysian foreign policy, was notably absent from the bilateral joint statement.
By embracing Chinese perspectives and solutions in addressing regional and global issues, coupled with Malaysia’s strong support of the Belt and Road Initiative and its eagerness to join Brics, Kuala Lumpur risks altering international perceptions.
ADSWhy did Malaysia shift its position? Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s strong views on the Gaza conflict partly explain this shift.
Anwar, who has perceived Washington and Western powers as complicit in the “genocide” of Palestinians in Gaza, is known to have close ties with Hamas leaders.
Publicly, Anwar has continuously expressed frustration and deep disappointment towards the United States and several European powers’ support for Israel.
This frustration and sense of helplessness may have led Anwar to seek alternative power, beyond the West, to balance global security dynamics, particularly concerning Gaza.
At what cost?
Despite Malaysia acknowledging occasional divergences with the US, the UK, and Australia on regional security matters, Kuala Lumpur remains committed to maintaining traditional security ties and ensuring clear communication with these partners.
For example, despite its public opposition to the Aukus (Australia, UK, and US) pact, Malaysia maintains security relations with the UK and Australia within the framework of the Five Power Defence Arrangements, a cornerstone of Malaysian national security.
Malaysia takes note that the UK and Australia view China as a threat to the liberal world order that they, along with the US, have established.
These powers collaborate to uphold the order through various security and intelligence arrangements, such as Aukus.
If Malaysia shifts its global security outlook by embracing Chinese solutions, it may send a conflicting message to its traditional strategic partners.
These countries expect Malaysia to balance relations with major powers, but they may not expect a complete abandonment of hedging and equidistance in favour of unilaterally adopting China’s security solutions.
Such a shift could prompt these partners to reassess their role as security guarantors for Malaysia and their relevance in supporting Malaysian security, given that China is perceived as a threat to them.
Neutrality should be upheld
I do not intend to discredit Chinese initiatives or question China’s sincerity in offering alternative security solutions.
I acknowledge the benefits of these initiatives for long-term global peace, especially given China’s written commitment to non-use of force in international disputes.
My concern is that, regardless of Malaysia’s intentions, the signals it sends to its traditional partners may cause confusion and come at a cost unless Putrajaya takes concrete steps to tilt back the balance.
Malaysia has always played a valuable role as a “connecting power” linking countries across the West, the Middle East, East Asia, and Southeast Asia.
The successful organisation of the very first Asean-Gulf Cooperation Council-China Summit in Kuala Lumpur recently demonstrates Malaysia’s broad acceptance among diverse nations.
This success is rooted in its principle of neutrality, which has fostered trust in Malaysia during numerous international crises.
This valuable foreign policy legacy has greatly benefited and will continue to benefit Malaysia and should be upheld under any circumstances. - Mkini
LAM CHOONG WAH is a senior lecturer in the Department of International and Strategic Studies in the Faculty of Arts and Social Science of Universiti Malaya.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT.

---