The Hypocrisy Of Zahid S Original Malaysia

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A poet friend wrote: “In poetry, pessimism is the highest form of optimism. In politics, optimism is the direct cause of pessimism.”
Cynical as my friend is with partisan politics, his cryptic composition reminds me of BN chairperson Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s claim that only Umno can return the country to the “original Malaysia”.
That, certainly, is a cause of my pessimism. Could the 15th general election (GE15) return us to the “original” state of nepotism, cronyism, and public corruption with impunity?
Maybe. Unless first-time voters can remobilise to achieve what was thought unachievable in 2018.
Zahid’s claims are old, tired – basically boring. His ‘optimism’, and former prime minister Najib Abdul Razak’s regular campaign appearances, despite both their numerous criminal charges yet to be decided by the court, underscore their strategy to use a possible BN win to evade a jail sentence.
However, we do not forget easily. The political past is never dead even as Zahid sells his message that the only option for the Malays is to return to the “original Malaysia”.
Zahid’s backward focus, and that of his ilk, perfectly underscores the Malay proverb: Bagai ludah naik ke langit, menimpa muka sendiri juga (spitting in the air to land back on one’s face).
For all his dirty politics, the chickens will ultimately come home to roost. Sepandai pandai tupai melompat, akhirnya jatuh ke tanah juga (as clever a squirrel is at jumping, it falls to the ground eventually).
In politics, nothing is what it seems, even as Umno gloats over its winning momentum in the state elections, driven primarily by Pakatan Harapan’s infighting and former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s plot to remain relevant.
For now, my gut reactions to Zahid’s outlandish claims as reported, are as follows:
First, his claim that Harapan from 2018 to 2020 “has widened the gap to the extent of causing anger and increasing prejudice to the point of threatening harmony”.
On the contrary, racial discrimination has been systemic during 60 years of BN rule, according to a series of racial discrimination reports by Pusat Komas.
Umno’s fossilised ideology of ‘untuk agama, bangsa, dan negara’ (for religion, race, and country) and racialised implementation of socioeconomic and education programmes have held the country back for decades.
Zahid is simply capitalising on the perception that Harapan is an anti-Malay coalition that is dominated by a Chinese-led DAP, although Harapan’s manifesto states that the alliance represents a shift away from racial differentiation to integration. (Here, I defer to an expert opinion on where Harapan had faltered, and how Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin’s camp betrayed the coalition in 2020).
Second: “The power that was mandated by the people was fully exploited, to kill political opponents, trying to erase legacies, including manipulating institutions that are pillars of the rule of law.”
Wrong again. Zahid’s claim, ironically, represents the BN’s mode of operation.
Post-1969, the secular public service and apolitical education system put in place by the British was whittled away by an Umno-led government.
Umno focused on reinforcing an Islamic ‘legacy’ in a bloated civil service where chances of promotion of non-Malays to leadership positions were practically zilch. It remains so today.
Third: “What we have been through in the past four years only convinces us that only BN can create stability. We must return to original Malaysia and not the new Malaysia that has clearly failed.”
Misleading falsehood. If by “original Malaysia” Zahid meant a less racialised era of the early 1960s when public corruption was minimal, when English was the main medium of instruction, religious tensions much more benign, and politics less stoked by racial polemics, then kudos to him.
However, Zahid is unashamedly pandering to the insecurity of his Malay base. Muhyiddin and his minions played the same game when they deserted Harapan.
It is to the sacred cow of bumiputera privileges and Islamic rights that they habitually muster to garner support from a divided Malay polity.
Fourth: “…being the government does not mean turning the country’s institutions into tools”.
Highly hypocritical. Over decades of Umno-led BN governance, the country’s judiciary, police, and the Special Branch, higher institutions of learning, Islamic organisations (Jakim for instance), think tanks, licensing agencies, and mainstream media were proxies of the government.
Fifth: “BN government is progressive, increases the country’s capacity, creates a prosperous economy across all races, creates opportunities for the Malaysian youth to expand their efforts and build their capacity to make them more competitive.”
Actually, the country’s social capital is depleting. The brains are leaving. The brawns are arriving by the plane loads. The non-Malay population will likely decline to below 20 percent by 2030. Which is a non-issue to Umno.
Finally, opportunities for our youth are skewed to privileged families with political connections. To those who have, more are given. SAM (Saya Anak Malaysia) has given way to SAD (Saya Anak Datuk/Datin). Hence, the increasing wealth disparity among the Malay communities.
Sad, indeed, if we do return to the “original Malaysia”. - Mkini
ERIC LOO was a journalist and media academic.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT.

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