Malaysia Needs To Adapt To Hybrid Security Threats Immediately

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The global security landscape is shifting rapidly. The recent remarks by MI5 Director-General Ken McCallum point to a “new era” where the threat is no longer limited to traditional terrorism.
Today, states like Russia, China, and Iran are using espionage, sabotage, digital propaganda, and even proxy violence to destabilise rival nations.
This convergence of state hostility with extremist tactics signals a significant evolution in the threat environment, one that Malaysia must urgently recognise.
For decades, Malaysia’s national security apparatus has been shaped around internal stability, counter-insurgency, and conventional counter-terrorism. These remain relevant, but they are no longer sufficient.
ADSThe threats we face now are more complex, diffuse, and layered. They involve cyber intrusions into government databases, attempts to manipulate domestic narratives through disinformation, and the radicalisation of young people via encrypted social media platforms.
In short, we are now navigating a hybrid threat environment, one that blends terrorism, espionage, and digital warfare.
Adopting an effective approach to contemporary security challenges demands a shift in mindset and the development of a new strategic framework.
Terrorism is no longer bombs and guns
In this context, Australia’s recently revised counter-terrorism strategy, titled “A Safer Australia”, serves as a significant source of insight.
While the Australian context differs from Malaysia’s in several important ways, its strategic thinking is highly transferable.
The document is clear in its diagnosis: terrorism today is not just about bombs and guns, but also about ideas, data, and digital influence.
Australia’s multi-pronged response recognises that effective counter-terrorism must combine prevention, protection, and community resilience in equal measure. Malaysia would be wise to adopt a similar philosophy.
At the core of Australia’s strategy are four pillars: Protecting People, Preventing Extremism, Modernising Capabilities, and Cooperation at All Levels.
These are not just slogans; they are operational goals backed by serious investment and policy reform.
For Malaysia, the logic behind these pillars deserves deeper scrutiny.
First, protecting people in the Malaysian context must go beyond hardening infrastructure.
ADSOur “people” also include communities vulnerable to radicalisation, online spaces flooded with disinformation, and academic institutions at risk of intellectual property theft or covert foreign influence.
As Malaysia’s economy becomes more knowledge- and technology-driven, the security of our universities, research hubs, and digital infrastructure must be treated as national priorities.
A power grid taken offline, or a major university compromised by foreign cyber-espionage, could be as damaging as a physical attack.
‘Soft security’ mechanisms
Second, stopping the spread of extremism requires a fundamental rethink of how we approach radicalisation.
The British experience, as highlighted by MI5, shows that minors, some as young as 14 years old, are being drawn into violent ideologies.
Malaysia is not immune. The digital ecosystem in which Malaysian youth operate is transnational, decentralised, and largely unregulated.
Malaysia needs to enhance its “soft security” mechanisms: digital literacy in schools, counselling services for at-risk youth, interfaith education, and community-based early intervention programmes.
Preventing radicalisation is not just the job of the police or security agencies, but it must also involve educators, parents, religious leaders, and tech platforms.
We need upgrades
Third, modernising counter-terrorism capabilities is no longer optional. Malaysia’s security agencies need tools on par with the threats they face.
This means investing in artificial intelligence for threat detection, data analytics for behavioural modelling, and encrypted communication for inter-agency collaboration.
However, the use of such tools must be accompanied by strong legal safeguards. Overreliance on surveillance technology without oversight risks undermining civil liberties and public trust - two things Malaysia cannot afford to lose in a time of growing political and social complexity.
Fourth, cooperation across all levels of governance is essential. In Australia, the federal government works closely with state and territory administrations, as well as community organisations, to create a united front.
Malaysia must do the same. Security cannot be left to the federal level alone. State governments, especially in border-sensitive areas like Sabah and Sarawak, must be integrated into the national strategy.
In addition, Malaysia should strengthen intelligence cooperation with Asean partners and friendly powers such as Australia, Singapore, and the UK. Security today is collaborative, not siloed.
Malicious manipulation
Critically, Malaysia also needs to be honest about its unique vulnerabilities. Our diverse society is a strength, but also a potential target for manipulation. Foreign actors could exploit ethnic or religious tensions to stoke unrest or influence political outcomes.
We’ve already seen such tactics employed in other Southeast Asian countries. A foreign-backed social media campaign could undermine trust in electoral institutions or sow discord over issues like refugee policy or maritime disputes.
These forms of influence are subtle but corrosive, and they require not only technical countermeasures but also political courage and public transparency.
Vulnerable supply chains
Another area of concern is our dependence on global technology supply chains. Malaysia is a key node in sectors like semiconductor packaging and electronics manufacturing. This makes us a strategic partner but also a strategic vulnerability.
We must guard against becoming a soft entry point for hostile actors seeking to access proprietary technologies or intellectual property.
Strengthening corporate cybersecurity, tightening foreign investment screening, and enforcing academic research protocols should become standard parts of national security planning.
Finally, Malaysia must safeguard its strategic autonomy. As great-power competition intensifies in Asia, we are likely to face pressure to “choose sides”, especially on security matters.
But Malaysia’s traditional policy of non-alignment should not mean strategic passivity. We need to engage proactively with all major powers, while maintaining clear red lines about sovereignty, transparency, and the rule of law.
National security in the 21st century is not just about defending territory, but it’s about defending democratic institutions, public confidence, and intellectual integrity.
In conclusion, Malaysia stands at a critical juncture. We can either treat the emerging threats as isolated incidents or we can develop a cohesive, forward-looking national strategy that recognises the hybrid nature of today’s security environment.
The UK’s warning and Australia’s response both point in the same direction: the rules of engagement have changed.
If Malaysia wants to avoid being caught off guard, we must act now by protecting our digital borders, investing in our people, modernising our institutions, and building national unity in the face of rising complexity.
The time for reactive security is over. Proactive resilience is the only way forward. - Mkini
R PANEIR SELVAM is the principal consultant of Arunachala Research & Consultancy Sdn Bhd, a think tank specialising in strategic national and geopolitical matters.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMMKtT.

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