Unity Govt And The Bumiputera Agenda

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We’re discouraged from talking about race and religion lest we upset the authorities for stoking tensions and courting controversy, but we need a serious debate about the Bumiputera agenda.
It is impossible to do this without incorporating race and religion.
On Aug 18, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim told CNBC Conversation that affirmative action policies would be extended from race-based to needs-based. If the policies were too focused on race, there would be feelings of animosity and anxiety among Malaysians.
To many, the word Bumiputera is synonymous with privilege It also divides, and creates a lot of angst and builds resentment.
They say “Bumiputeraism” has not done much for the Malay, apart from giving him a sense of entitlement.
But, as a parent, do you tell your children that you have a favourite? As a teacher, do you admit to your charges that one of them will get preferential treatment over the rest of the class?
We may criticise the class system of other countries, so why should our politicians identify a section of the population to whom they should give special treatment?
For five decades, the Malays were told that as Bumiputeras, they were different. The term was used as a feel-good factor for a majority of the Malay population, so they could be manipulated by some politicians, simply to harness their votes.
The New Economic Policy (NEP), introduced in 1971 ostensibly to enrich the lives of the Malays and the indigenous people of Malaysia, may have created a huge Malay middle class, but 50 years later, the majority of the Malays are still poor, and the only beneficiaries are the Umno elite.
The underlying problems of many Malaysians, in particular the Malays, have yet to be addressed.
The term NEP may as well stand for “Never Ending Privileges”. Bumiputeras with a “cable” to some senior Umno politicians, thrive. Ordinary Bumiputeras have to fight among themselves for a slice of the increasingly smaller economic pie.
As a social political observer said, “it is not easy to convince the Malay masses that affirmative action based on needs will give the poor a bigger share of the cake which they deserve and not have it siphoned off by the rich and powerful Malays”.
So, how will Anwar and Pakatan Harapan convey the message of social and economic justice out in the kampungs and to the urban poor, when Malays are supposed to have enjoyed five decades of special privileges which have not done the rural and urban poor much good?
Bumiputeraism has made a few super rich, there is a bigger Malay middle class, but the majority of the Malays have been left behind. These are facts Anwar has to drum into the Malays.
“Changing a mindset conditioned for decades by race-based politics is not going to be easy, but this is the Everest he has to climb,” said one observer.
Another critic asked: “Can we trust Anwar? Will he shed his chameleon image? Will he fulfil his promise of non-racial policies?”
One critic described Anwar’s style of administration as akin to dancing the cha-cha. “He takes two steps forwards, then three steps backwards, thus indirectly helping the ‘buayas’ (crocodiles) who are simply biding their time, waiting for the nearest opportunity to devour him.”
Many wondered if the reforms promised by the Madani administration will be delivered. Some would happily give Anwar more time to push through these reforms, so that the Malays are not upset and he still retains their trust.
The oft-repeated remark is: “Would you rather have the green wave rule you?” Fear of the green wave forced some Malaysians to sacrifice their principles to “accept” the unity government which, they point out, comprises at least one senior politician linked to corruption charges, and not-so-competent ministers.
The Madani administration cannot take forever to roll out the reforms. The Sheraton Move prematurely ended the previous Harapan administration.
How much time are you prepared to give Anwar? - FMT
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.

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