Privilege Reform And The Promise Of Equality

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Academic Tajuddin Rasdi recently argued that a significant segment of the Malay community may be resistant to fundamental change in respect of identity - their own, as well as their view of the Chinese and Indians.
In a provocative analysis published in Free Malaysia Today, he said the Malays see themselves as the bumiputera - the original people of this land - and regard non-Malays as pendatang (immigrants).
This worldview, he suggests, justifies privileges as permanent entitlements. He further warns that Malay-based parties may seek to use Islam to unite Malays in defence of these privileges.
With the civil service, police, and armed forces predominantly Malay, Tajuddin suggests that state power will likely continue to serve Malay and Muslim interests first.
ADSI suspect that Tajuddin advances this stark view to provoke deeper reflection on the implications of the positions we take. I have no doubt that he loves this country and all its people, and uses his pen to prise people from rigidly held positions which he believes are detrimental to the future of this country.
Despite this sobering assessment, he identifies Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and the Pakatan Harapan coalition as Malaysia’s best hope for an inclusive and peaceful future.
Prime Minister Anwar IbrahimAs a multiracial and multireligious alliance, Harapan is structurally better placed than any ethno-nationalist party to moderate policies for the benefit of all Malaysians.
Tajuddin, therefore, cautions that it would be a grave, self-defeating mistake for non-Malays to boycott elections or, out of frustration, lend support to narrowly defined race-based parties.
Overstating the case?
While there is some truth in Tajuddin’s diagnosis, his assessment risks overstating the uniformity of Malay sentiment. Not all Malays and Muslims subscribe to a rigid, race-first ideology. His pessimism may partly reflect frustrations from his own encounters with elite circles that have resisted moderation.
In fact, recent surveys - notably by social researcher Dina Zaman - reveal a more nuanced picture. A growing number of young Malays favour a needs-based approach to affirmative action and poverty eradication.
This signals a profoundly hopeful trend: the next generation may be more open to redefining entitlement through shared citizenship rather than race.
On the ground, lived relationships between Malaysia’s communities often contradict the notion of unbridgeable division. During the Covid-19 crisis, many non-Malays experienced compassionate care from a predominantly Malay establishment - gestures that were heart-warming and inspirational.
Academic Tajuddin RasdiThe burden of reform
Still, we cannot ignore groups that continue to push the ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy) line, wielding race and religion as tools for political gain. For Malaysia to remain a peaceful democracy, firm guardrails must be in place. The burden of reform falls squarely on the government - today, Anwar’s government.
Institutional reform cannot remain rhetorical or postponed to an indefinite future. The government must immediately reinforce democracy, uphold the rule of law, ensure good governance, and breathe life into the Constitution’s guarantee of equality.
ADSAs Anwar himself has emphasised, change must begin with poverty eradication. In practice, this requires ensuring that aid reaches the poor of every race, and that the indigenous peoples of Sabah and Sarawak - among the most marginalised - are not left behind.
Malaysia cannot afford to let communities drift apart, nor can it risk the steady loss of talent to other countries. The talents of all Malaysians, whatever their race or religion, must be harnessed to build the nation.
Malaysia is, by history and design, a multiracial, multireligious, multicultural nation. Any attempt to deny this reality is not only unjust but dangerous. Malays and Muslims need not feel threatened. Non-Muslims have long accepted the pillars of the constitutional compact:
The role of the Malay rulers,
Islam as the religion of the federation,
Bahasa Melayu as the national language, and
the special position of Malays and the natives of Sabah and Sarawak under Article 153.
Non-Malays do not pose a threat to Malays or to Islam. What they ask in return is not special treatment, but fairness - the assurance that the mission of uplifting the disadvantaged will serve all citizens equally. This is the true meaning of the equality provisions of the Constitution.
Investing in people, not vanity
The path forward is clear. Malaysia must invest in its people - Malay, Chinese, Indian, Orang Asli, and the diverse communities of Sabah and Sarawak, by providing:
Access to quality education,
affordable housing,
nutritious food, and
adequate healthcare.
Government spending must be prudent. Wasteful prestige projects that do not address human needs must be shunned. Poverty eradication must become the nation’s highest and most urgent priority.
If Malaysia is to transcend the politics of division, it must build a future where no community feels inherently more entitled than another. Progress must be measured not by racial entitlement, but by shared dignity and collective opportunity.
The Constitution states that all citizens are equal before the law. Special attention must be given to the poor, but equality of opportunity must be assured for all, regardless of race.
Rigid positions, as described by Tajuddin, lead nowhere. No one gains from conflict. Harnessing the collective energy and talents of all Malaysians is the best way forward.
We must embrace each other as Malaysians and commit ourselves to the betterment of all. Diversity must be seen not as a weakness, but as a strength. Each community has much to contribute to the nation. - Mkini
DAVID DASS is a lawyer, Malaysiakini subscriber, and commentator.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT.

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