All Eyes On Emergency Motive

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"THE emergency proclamation in Malaysia does not meet international standard, limiting the government's responsibility, will lead to wrongdoings and abuse of power, denying the importance of civil sector in decision making, sidelining democracy and insulting the role of the Parliament."
This is among excerpts of 90 Asean parliamentarians yesterday in slamming the emergency rule in Malaysia, asking Putrajaya to commence the Parliament sitting without delays and recognise the role of other parties in the government.
The statement was signed by Members of Parliament from Thailand, Indonesia, Timor-Leste, Cambodia, the Philippines and Singapore.
It stated that the reason for clamping emergency was not acceptable since containing the Covid-19 pandemic is sufficient by the Movement Control Order (MCO.
Malaysia declared a state of emergency on January 12 to try to rein in Covid-19 infections and suspended Parliament in a move that analysts said will help Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin avoid an immediate challenge to his leadership.
The emergency also gives Muhyiddin and his cabinet extraordinary powers, such as introducing laws without the approval of parliament. It was the first time in more than 50 years that a national emergency has been declared, and only the second time Parliament has been suspended since independence from Britain in 1957.
Opposition parties said Muhyiddin was using the declaration to cling to power as he faces calls to step down and hold a general election.
The emergency announcement came a day after Muhyiddin declared a nationwide travel ban and lockdowns in the capital and five states and could last until Aug. 1, or earlier, depending on whether infections have been brought under control.
With Parliament suspended, Muhyiddin and his cabinet gain powers to make laws and approve the expenditure necessary to ensure public security without a parliamentary vote.
The government can also introduce temporary laws or ordinances that take effect over the course of the emergency. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong, who plays a largely ceremonial role, issues the ordinances on the advice of the prime minister and cabinet.
The constitution is more or less suspended, as a substantial part of it can be overridden by emergency law.
The government could also increase penalties for anyone who violates laws and regulations related to the pandemic, he said. Constitutional provisions on lawmaking during an emergency are broad and leave a lot of room for the government to clamp down on anything from politics to personal and media freedoms.
At the same time, it undermines checks and balances and inhibits democracy.
Muhyiddin who became premier with the support of Umno MPs in March 2020 has lost the majority as one after another MP it, and it is a well-digested fact that the emergency is solely to safe his neck.
However, will Muhyiddin heed the calls?
Unlikely, because the emergency puts off any risk of an election. In October last year, the King rebuffed his attempt to place the entire nation under emergency ahead of a major budget vote - a test of confidence that he ended up passing.
Still, calls had risen in recent weeks for a fresh election. Some key members of Umno had called for a snap poll by March provided that he pandemic is under control.
To me, an emergency may serve as a 'circuit breaker' on the domestic political noises but on the other hand, it could increase the perceived risk of foreign investors in the country. At the current rate, Malaysia is losing to other Asean nations.
Owhh... Malaysia criticised Myanmar which also declared a state of emergency earlier this month, a case of 'a pot calling the kettle black'!

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