What Malaysia Should Know About The Rohingya Crisis

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From Pacifist Farooq
Embarking on the journey of 2025, Malaysia takes on the pivotal role of Asean chair, under the theme of “Inclusivity and Sustainability”. It will host a myriad of regional meetings, dialogues, and programmes throughout the year.
As Malaysia heads for a busy schedule, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim appears focused on major global dynamics—such as the rivalries between the US, China and Russia—and the broader Myanmar crisis.
However, although Malaysia, hosting over 120,000 Rohingya refugees, is the second most impacted country after Bangladesh, which hosts over 1,000,000 Rohingya, the Rohingya crisis is left behind.
This raises a fundamental question: does resolving the Myanmar crisis automatically address the Rohingya crisis?
As someone born and raised in Arakan and intimately familiar with Myanmar’s complex political landscape, I can unequivocally state that it does not.
Misconceptions and realities
A common belief suggests that pressuring Myanmar’s military junta will resolve the Rohingya issue. However, this perspective oversimplifies a deeply entrenched problem.
In Rakhine State, also known as Arakan—the ancestral home of the Rohingya—the situation remains dire. The Arakan Army (AA), a Rakhine Buddhist rebel group, has gained control over 14 of the 17 townships in Rakhine State and the Paletwa township of Chin State.
The AA employs strategies reminiscent of the Myanmar military’s oppressive playbook and does not recognise the Rohingya as a legitimate ethnic group, instead labelling them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.
During the fight against the Myanmar military in the last few months, the AA has perpetrated atrocities including burning hundreds of Rohingya villages, forcibly displacing over 200,000 people, expelling 60,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh, raping Rohingya women, and killing thousands—often under the cover of network blackouts.
Similar to the Myanmar military, the Arakan Army (AA) imposes stringent restrictions on the movement of Rohingya, prohibiting them from traveling even between neighbouring villages.
The AA demands exorbitant sums—at least 200,000 MMK (approximately US$5,000) per family—for permission to move between towns within Arakan, forcing many to pay in an attempt to escape forced conscription and famine.
Furthermore, the AA is systematically expelling Rohingya from Arakan through torture, arbitrary arrests and targeted persecution of Rohingya youth and men. As a result, countless Rohingya are fleeing in desperation, seeking refuge wherever they can.
The AA’s autonomous agenda
The AA operates independently of the national unity government (NUG), a Myanmar government-in-exile formed after the 2021 military coup by ousted lawmakers and parliamentarians.
While the NUG called for the establishment of the People’s Defense Forces (PDF) and sought cooperation from ethnic armed groups, the AA not only obstructed efforts to include members from Arakan but also formally distanced itself from the NUG.
The AA has asserted its “own mission, vision, and objectives”, declaring that it is “fighting for the liberation of Arakan”.
In a September 2024 interview with journalist Rajeev Bhattacharyya of The Diplomat, AA leader Tun Mrat Naing revealed plans to administer Rakhine State under a unitary state system.
This indicates the AA’s ambitions for an autonomous state or even an independent country, likely governed by authoritarian principles devoid of democratic values, raising grave concerns for minority groups in Rakhine State, including the Rohingya.
The NUG, which aspires to govern Myanmar after defeating the military junta, wields no influence or control over the AA or the region of Arakan, home to most Rohingya.
This powerlessness was starkly evident in May 2024. Following the military’s retreat from Buthidaung Township on May 17, the AA seized control of the area. By the next day, thousands of Rohingya homes—including my own—were reduced to ashes, hundreds of Rohingya were killed, and more than 150,000 were forcibly displaced.
The NUG responded with a statement on May 21 condemning the AA’s human rights violations, and 195 revolutionary forces and civil society organisations jointly declared the atrocities to be war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In retaliation, the AA issued a threatening letter to the NUG, demanding that it refrain from interfering in Arakan affairs. The AA also issued a bullet letter to revolutionary forces and civil society organisations that it has “ taken note of these organizations.”
Since then, the NUG has remained silent on the Rohingya issue.
On Aug 5 and 6, 2024, the AA launched multiple drone and shelling attacks, killing over 150 Rohingya women, children, and men who were fleeing to Bangladesh for safety, according to reports by Fortify Rights and eyewitnesses and survivors I interviewed for the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB).
Despite its promises of safety, security and citizenship for the Rohingya, the NUG has been notably silent on these atrocities. The reality is clear: the NUG has no authority over Arakan or the AA.
A grim future for Rohingya rights 
Even if Min Aung Hlaing’s regime were to be overthrown and the NUG assumed power, it is unlikely that the NUG could guarantee citizenship and associated rights for the Rohingya.
History has shown that any rare attempt by the central government to make decisions in favour of the Rohingya has faced fierce opposition from the Rakhine community, often leading to such decisions being reversed.
Now, with the Rakhine holding both majority status and significant armed power, the NUG would lack the autonomy to implement decisions independently, particularly those supporting Rohingya rights.
Malaysia’s role and responsibilities
I commend Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim for his vocal stance against the US-backed Israeli genocide of Palestinians in Gaza. However, it is equally important that he does not overlook the plight of the Rohingya from the Gaza of Myanmar.
As Asean chair, Malaysia has a critical opportunity to address the Rohingya crisis and prevent the ongoing second wave of genocide.
Malaysia can use its influence in regional and international forums to advocate for the establishment of a safe zone in Arakan for the Rohingya. Additionally, it can push for the creation of a Rohingya defence force, akin to the Kurdish Democratic Forces in Syria, with international backing.
Such a force should receive formal and informal support from the global community to ensure the protection of the Rohingya before Arakan becomes a Rohingya-free zone. - FMT
Pacifist Farooq is a Rohingya poet, academic, and author of A Lost Bird Between Genocide and Displacement. He is an asylum seeker in Malaysia, awaiting registration with the UNHCR, and an FMT reader.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.

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