Vietnam After Imperialism 9751




Ho Chi MinhPRESIDENT OF NORTH VIETNAMWRITTEN BY: 
Jean Lacouture
Ho Chi Minh, original name Nguyen Sinh Cung, also called Nguyen Tat Thanh or Nguyen Ai Quoc, (born May 19, 1890, Hoang Tru, Vietnam, French Indochina—died September 2, 1969, Hanoi, North Vietnam), founder of the Indochina Communist Party (1930) and its successor, the Viet-Minh (1941), and president from 1945 to 1969 of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam). As the leader of the Vietnamese nationalist movement for nearly three decades, Ho was one of the prime movers of the post-World War II anticolonial movement in Asia and one of the most influential communist leaders of the 20th century.

Early Life

The son of a poor country scholar, Nguyen Sinh Huy, Ho Chi Minh was brought up in the village of Kim Lien. He had a wretched childhood, but between the ages of 14 and 18 he was able to study at a grammar school in Hue. He is next known to have been a schoolmaster in Phan Thiet and then was apprenticed at a technical institute in Saigon.

In 1911, under the name of Ba, he found work as a cook on a French steamer. He was a seaman for more than three years, visiting various African ports and the American cities of Boston and New York. After living in London from 1915 to 1917, he moved to France, where he worked, in turn, as a gardener, sweeper, waiter, photo retoucher, and oven stoker.

During the six years that he spent in France (1917–23), he became an active socialist under the name Nguyen Ai Quoc (“Nguyen the Patriot”). He organized a group of Vietnamese living there and in 1919 addressed an eight-point petition to the representatives of the great powers at the Versailles Peace Conference that concluded World War I. In the petition, Ho demanded that the French colonial power grant its subjects in Indochina equal rights with the rulers. This act brought no response from the peacemakers, but it made him a hero to many politically conscious Vietnamese. The following year, inspired by the success of the communist revolution in Russia and Vladimir Lenin’s anti-imperialist doctrine, Ho joined the French Communists when they withdrew from the Socialist Party in December 1920.

After his years of militant activity in France, where he became acquainted with most of the French working-class leaders, Ho went to Moscow at the end of 1923. In January 1924, following the death of Lenin, he published a moving farewell to the founder of the Soviet Union in Pravda. Six months later, from June 17 to July 8, he took an active part in the Fifth Congress of the Communist International, during which he criticized the French Communist Party for not opposing colonialism more vigorously. His statement to the congress is noteworthy because it contains the first formulation of his belief in the importance of the revolutionary role of oppressed peasants (as opposed to industrial workers).

In December 1924, under the assumed name of Ly Thuy, Ho went to Canton (Guangzhou), a communist stronghold, where he recruited the first cadres of the Vietnamese nationalist movement, organizing them into the Vietnam Thanh Nien Cach Menh Dong Chi Hoi (“Vietnamese Revolutionary Youth Association”), which became famous under the name Thanh Nien. Almost all of its members had been exiled from Indochina because of their political beliefs and had gathered together in order to participate in the struggle against French rule over their country. Thus, Canton became the first home of Indochinese nationalism.

When Chiang Kai-shek, then commander of the Chinese army, expelled the Chinese communists from Canton in April 1927, Ho again sought refuge in the Soviet Union. In 1928 he went to Brussels and Paris and then to Siam (now Thailand), where he spent two years as a representative of the Communist International, the world organization of communist parties, in Southeast Asia. His followers, however, remained in South China.

Founding Of The Indochinese Communist Party

Meeting in Hong Kong in May 1929, members of the Thanh Nien decided to form the Indochinese Communist Party (PCI). Others—in the Vietnamese cities of Hanoi, Hue, and Saigon—began the actual work of organization, but some of Ho’s lieutenants were reluctant to act in the absence of their leader, who had the confidence of Moscow. Ho was brought back from Siam, therefore, and on February 3, 1930, he presided over the founding of the party. At first it was called the Vietnamese Communist Party, but, after October 1930, Ho, acting on Soviet advice, adopted the name Indochinese Communist Party. In this phase of his career, Ho acted more as an arbiter of conflicts among the various factions, allowing the organization of revolutionary action, rather than as an initiator. His prudence, his awareness of what it was possible to accomplish, his care not to alienate Moscow, and the influence that he already had achieved among the Vietnamese Communists can be seen in these actions.

The creation of the PCI coincided with a violent insurrectionary movement in Vietnam. Repression by the French was brutal; Ho himself was condemned in absentia to death as a revolutionary. He sought refuge in Hong Kong, where the French police obtained permission from the British for his extradition, but friends helped him escape, and he reached Moscow via Shanghai.

In 1935 the Seventh Congress of the International, meeting in Moscow, which he attended as chief delegate for the PCI, officially sanctioned the idea of the Popular Front (an alliance with the noncommunist left against fascism)—a policy Ho had advocated for some time. In keeping with this policy, the Communists in Indochina moderated their anticolonialist stance in 1936, allowing for cooperation with “antifascist colonialists.” The formation of Premier Léon Blum’s Popular Front government in France in the same year allowed leftist forces in Indochina to operate more freely, although Ho, because of his condemnation in 1930, was not permitted to return from exile. Repression returned to Indochina with the fall of the Blum government in 1937, and by 1938 the Popular Front was dead.

World War II And The Founding Of The Vietnamese State

In 1938 Ho returned to China and stayed for a few months with Mao Zedong at Yen-an. When France was defeated by Germany in 1940, Ho and his lieutenants, Vo Nguyen Giap and Pham Van Dong, plotted to use this turn of events to advance their own cause. About this time he began to use the name Ho Chi Minh (“He Who Enlightens”). Crossing over the border into Vietnam in January 1941, the trio and five comrades organized in May the Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh Hoi (League for the Independence of Vietnam), or Viet Minh; this gave renewed emphasis to a peculiarly Vietnamese nationalism.

The new organization was forced to seek help in China from the government of Chiang Kai-shek. But Chiang distrusted Ho as a Communist and had him arrested. Ho was then imprisoned in China for 18 months, during which time he wrote his famed Notebook from Prison (a collection of short poems written in classic Chinese, a mixture of melancholy, stoicism, and a call for revolution). His friends obtained his release by an arrangement with Chiang Fa-k’uei, a warlord in South China, agreeing in return to support Chiang’s interests in Indochina against the French.

In 1945 two events occurred that paved the way to power for the Vietnamese revolutionaries. First, the Japanese completely overran Indochina and imprisoned or executed all French officials. Six months later the United States dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima, and the Japanese were totally defeated. Thus, the two strongest adversaries of the Viet Minh and Ho Chi Minh were eliminated.

Ho Chi Minh seized his opportunity. Within a few months he contacted U.S. forces and began to collaborate with the Office of Strategic Services (OSS; a U.S. undercover operation) against the Japanese. Further, his Viet Minh guerrillas fought against the Japanese in the mountains of South China.

At the same time, commandos formed by Vo Nguyen Giap, under Ho’s direction, began to move toward Hanoi, the Vietnamese capital, in the spring of 1945. After Japan’s surrender to the Allies, they entered Hanoi on August 19. Finally, on September 2, before an enormous crowd gathered in Ba Dinh Square, Ho Chi Minh declared Vietnam independent, using words ironically reminiscent of the U.S. Declaration of Independence: “All men are born equal: the Creator has given us inviolable rights, life, liberty, and happiness…!”

All obstacles were not removed from the path of the Viet Minh, however. According to the terms of an Allied agreement, Chiang Kai-shek’s troops were supposed to replace the Japanese north of the 16th parallel. More significantly, France, now liberated and under the leadership of Charles de Gaulle, did not intend to simply accept the fait accompli of an independent Vietnam and attempted to reassert its control. On October 6 the French general Jacques Leclerc landed in Saigon, followed a few days later by a strong armoured division. Within three months he had control of South Vietnam. Ho had to choose between continuing the fight or negotiating. He chose negotiations, but not without preparing for an eventual transition to war.

Ho Chi Minh’s strategy was to get the French to make the Chinese in the north withdraw and then to work for a treaty with France in which recognition of independence, evacuation of Leclerc’s forces, and reunification of the country would be assured. Negotiations began in late October 1945, but the French refused to speak of independence, and Ho was caught in a stalemate. In March the deadlock was broken: on his side, Ho Chi Minh allowed parties other than the Viet Minh to be included in the new government, in an attempt to gain a wider base of support for the demands made on the French, and, at the same time, the French sent a diplomatic mission to China to obtain the evacuation of the Chinese soldiers. This was done, and some of Leclerc’s troops were also removed from Haiphong, in the north. Having secured the withdrawal of the Chinese, Ho signed an agreement with the French on March 6. According to its terms, Vietnam was recognized as a “free state with its own government, army, and finances,” but it was integrated into a French Union in which Paris continued to play the key role. Twelve days later Leclerc entered Hanoi with a few battalions, which were to be confined to a restricted area.

The First Indochina War

The agreement was unsatisfactory to extremists on both sides, and Ho Chi Minh went to France for a series of conferences (June to September 1946) and concluded a second agreement with the French government. But the peace was broken by an incident at Haiphong (November 20–23, 1946), when a French cruiser opened fire on the town after a clash between French and Vietnamese soldiers. Almost 6,000 Vietnamese were killed, and hope for an amicable settlement ended. Sick and disillusioned, Ho Chi Minh was not able to oppose demands for retaliation by his more militant followers, and the First Indochina War began on December 19.

After a few months, Ho, who had sought refuge in a remote area of North Vietnam, attempted to reestablish contact with Paris, but the terms he was offered were unacceptable. In 1948 the French offered to return the former Annamese (Vietnamese) emperor Bao Dai, who had abdicated in favour of the revolution in August 1945. These terms were more favourable than those offered to Ho Chi Minh two years earlier, because the French were now attempting to weaken the Viet Minh by supporting the traditional ruling class in Vietnam. But this policy was not successful. The Viet Minh army, commanded by Giap, was able to contain the French and Bao Dai’s forces with guerrilla tactics and terrorism, and by the end of 1953 most of the countryside was under Viet Minh control, with the larger cities under a virtual state of siege. The French were decisively defeated at Dien Bien Phu on May 7, 1954, and had no choice but to negotiate.

The Geneva Accords And The Second Indochina War

From May to July 21, 1954, representatives of eight countries—with Vietnam represented by two delegations, one composed of supporters of Ho Chi Minh, the other of supporters of Bao Dai—met in Geneva to find a solution. They concluded with an agreement according to which Vietnam was to be divided at the 17th parallel until elections, scheduled for 1956, after which the Vietnamese would establish a unified government.

It is difficult to assess Ho’s role in the Geneva negotiations. He was represented by Pham Van Dong, a faithful associate. The moderation exhibited by the Viet Minh in accepting a partition of the country and in accepting control of less territory than they had conquered during the war follows the pattern established by the man who had signed the 1946 agreements with France. But this flexibility, which was also a response to pressures exerted by the Russians and Chinese, did not achieve everything for the Viet Minh. Hanoi lost out because the elections that were to guarantee the country’s reunification were postponed indefinitely by the United States and by South Vietnam, which was created on a de facto basis at this time.

North Vietnam, where Ho and his associates were established, was a poor country, cut off from the vast agricultural areas of the south. Its leaders were forced to ask for assistance from their larger communist allies, China and the Soviet Union. In these adverse conditions Ho Chi Minh’s regime became repressive and rigidly totalitarian. Attempted agricultural reforms in 1955–56 were conducted with ignorant brutality and repression. “Uncle” Ho, as he had become known to the North Vietnamese, was able to preserve his immense popularity, but he abandoned a kind of humane quality that had distinguished some of his previous revolutionary activities despite ruthless purges of Trotskyists and bourgeois nationalists in 1945–46.

The old statesman had better luck in the field of diplomacy. He traveled to Moscow and Beijing (1955) and to New Delhi and Jakarta (1958), skillfully maintaining a balance between his powerful communist allies and even, at the time of his journey to Moscow in 1960, acting as a mediator between them. Linked by old habit, and perhaps by preference, to the Soviet Union but aware of the seminal role China had played in the revolution in Asia, preoccupied with using his relations with Moscow to lessen China’s influence in Asia, and, above all, careful to assert Vietnamese rights, Ho Chi Minh skillfully maintained a balance between the two communist giants. When the war was resumed, he obtained an equal amount of aid from both.

Beginning about 1959, North Vietnam again became involved in war. Guerrillas, popularly known as the Vietcong, were conducting an armed revolt against the U.S.-sponsored regime of Ngo Dinh Diem in South Vietnam. Their leaders, veterans of the Viet Minh, appealed to North Vietnam for aid. In July 1959, at a meeting of the central committee of Ho Chi Minh’s Lao Dong (Worker’s Party), it was decided that the establishment of socialism in the North was linked with the unification with the South. This policy was confirmed by the third congress of the Lao Dong, held shortly thereafter in Hanoi. During the congress, Ho Chi Minh ceded his position as the party’s secretary-general to Le Duan. He remained chief of state, but, from this point on, his activity was largely behind the scenes. Ho certainly continued to have enormous influence in the government, which was dominated by his old followers Pham Van Dong, Truong Chinh, Vo Nguyen Giap, and Le Duan, but he was less actively involved, becoming more and more a symbol to the people. His public personality, which had never been the object of a cult comparable to that of Joseph Stalin, Mao, or even Josip Broz Tito, is best symbolized by his popular name, Uncle Ho. He stood for the essential unity of the divided Vietnamese family.

This role, which he played with skill, did not prevent him from taking a position in the conflict ravaging his country, especially after American air strikes against the North began in 1965. On July 17, 1966, he sent a message to the people (“nothing is as dear to the heart of the Vietnamese as independence and liberation”) that became the motto of the North Vietnamese cause. On February 15, 1967, in response to a personal message from U.S. President Lyndon Johnson, he announced: “We will never agree to negotiate under the threat of bombing.” Ho lived to see only the beginning of a long round of negotiations before he died. The removal of this powerful leader undoubtedly damaged chances for an early settlement.

Ho Chi Minh’s Importance

Among 20th-century revolutionaries, Ho waged the longest and most costly battle against the colonial system of the great powers. One of its effects was to cause a grave crisis in the national life of the mightiest of capitalist countries, the United States. As a Marxist, Ho stands with the Yugoslav leader Tito as one of the progenitors of the “national communism” that developed in the 1960s and (at least partially) with communist China’s Mao Zedong in emphasizing the role of the peasantry in the revolutionary struggle.

Most of Ho Chi Minh’s writings are collected in the two-volume Selected Works, published in Hanoi in 1960, in the series of Foreign Language Editions.

Jean Lacouture
Ref:
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Ho-Chi-Minh

APRIL 21, 2017
ADMIN

ANZAC Day, Gallipoli and New Zealand imperialismby Phil Duncan Protest against NZ role in invasion of Vietnam: NZ imperialism has a long record of attacking other countries and their peoples
The poppies are out again.  We’re all expected to give to the RSA and to wear one of their poppies to show our respect for NZ combatants who died in wars abroad.  But it doesn’t really take more than a second or two of reflection about Gallipoli, the centrepiece around which war is recalled in NZ and poppies worn, before a couple of questions present themselves.
Why was New Zealand invading Turkey?What was World War One about?And there’s the rub.
Was Turkey an imminent threat?  Did it have weapons of mass destruction pointed at little ole New Zealand?
The truth, which seems unpalatable for far too many people in this country, is that NZ was the aggressor.  We were invading them in a war that was about one set of empires (especially the British and French, supported by the American empire) carving up the German, Austrian and Ottoman empires.
NZ was at Gallipoli, and thousands of young NZ men were acting as cannon-fodder, because this was the price of membership of the imperialist club.  The ruling class here was part of one imperialist side against another imperialist side.  Our exploiters were not going to get any of the spoils of the division of the Ottoman empire – those all went to Britain and France – but they would get backing for their own claims in the Pacific.  For instance,      NZ wasn’t just part of the pack trying to rip the Ottoman empire apart, it was also the invader of Samoa, which it had been after for decades.  Plus, as a small imperialist fish, in a world of empires and power struggles over territory, resources, markets and cheap labour, NZ needed to be aligned with much more powerful forces in order to feed off the carcasses of the defeated.
When I was young Anzac was associated completely with jingoistic, pro-war patriotism – the old variety of NZ nationalism.   The gung-ho reactionary old leadership of the RSA – the kind of people who made support for ‘White New Zealand’ the RSA’s number one platform point when it was founded after WW1, are long gone, however, as is the kind of Cold War mentality that pervaded the RSA at the time of Vietnam.
The ideology has changed significantly. Today, the RSA present as rather more liberal and inclusive – in line, in fact, with the dominant ideology of the ruling class.  A kind of liberal nationalism, liberal imperialism, now pervades the spirit of Anzac.  We don’t go places to put the uppity natives in line, we go in order to ‘protect’ people from ‘Islamic extremism’, ‘dictators’ and so on – usually the kind of forces that were nurtured by western imperialism in the first place – and/or we go to ‘protect’ human rights, women’s rights etc (‘humanitarian imperialism’).
New Zealand specialises in this humanitarian imperialism – after all, it is ideal for a smaller capitalist power.  The limited firepower of the NZ ruling class is made up for by their limitless moral high ground approach.  It is the ’boutique imperialism’ of the NZ ruling class, to borrow a term Tom O’Lincoln has used to describe the policy of the Australian ruling class.
This pseudo-liberal ’boutique imperialism’ may find its apogee in the appointment of Helen Clark, a classic representative of it, as UN secretary-general, although let’s hope her ambition is thwarted on this one, as it was in her pursuit of being the first female prime minister of New Zealand, a pursuit in which she was prepared to drop any remaining vestiges of her youthful student radicalism.  (This article was originally written and up on the blog in April 2016; since then Clark lost her bid for the top job at the UN.)
At Redline, we pay particular attention to New Zealand imperialism because workers here will never be able to act as a class pursuing their specific class interests until they fight their own rulers and join hands with the workers of the world.  While the standard left campaigns around issues like the TPPA reflect – and reinforce – ‘kiwi nationalism’ the job of anti-capitalists, as opposed to forces that are merely anti-National Party, is to argue for working class internationalism.
This internationalism is based especially on solidarity with the masses of the Third World who make up the bulk of the global working class, and is directed against our own rulers and their wars, their nationalism, their political parties (Labour every bit as much as National) and their ideology in the 21st century.
Below are some key articles on these topics:
Gallipoli invasion: a dirty and bloody businessThe absurdity and obscenity of Gallipoli: three NZ writers’ accountsField Punishment #1 reviewedStevan Eldred-Grigg’s The Great Wrong WarEmpty Garden: Wellington’s National War Memorial ParkAfghanistan – no, it’s not the good warSamoa: what NZ didNZ: honest broker of the Pacific?East Timor and ANZAC imperialismNZ and the new world (dis)orderCampaigning against ‘foreign control’: is it progressive?The TPPA: destructive to life as we know it?NZ: neo-colony or junior imperialist?
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2013/08/02/stevan-eldred-griggs-the-great-wrong-war-nz-society-and-ww1/
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2015/05/05/new-zealand-neo-colony-or-junior-imperialist/
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2012/04/24/gallipoli-invasion-a-dirty-and-bloody-business/

Ref:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2017/04/21/gallipoli-and-new-zealand-imperialism/

My Lai.

My Lai adalah kumpulan empat buah pedukuhan kecil dikaitkan dengan perkampungan Song My, Daerah Son Tinh, Vietnam. Perkampungan My Lai 4 (ataupun My Lai IV) merupakan tapak Pembunuhan Beramai-ramai di My Lai pada 16 Mac 1968. Perkampungan My Lai berdekatan dengan kawasan pendaratan “LZ Pinkville” dan adalah 4 ataupun 5 km di selatan “LZ Uptight”.

Song My ([Sơn Mỹ] error: {{lang}}: teks mempunyai penanda italik (bantuan)) adalah perkumpulan sembilan buah kampung-kampung kecil di Daerah Son Tinh, Wilayah Quang Ngai, Vietnam. Terdapat empat perkampungan di kawasan tersebut yang dipanggil dukuh My Lai, Co Luy, My Khe dan Tu Cung.[1]
Peta My Lai yang digunakan semasa insiden Pembunuhan Beramai-ramai di My Lai
Song My, terutamanya My Lai, adalah tapak Pembunuhan Beramai-ramai di My Lai oleh Tentera Amerika Syarikat pada 16 Mac 1968. Media Vietnam turut merujuk peristiwa ini sebagai "pembunuhan beramai-ramai Song My". Di Tu Cung terdapat tugu peringatan bagi memperingati peristiwa ini.[2]
Rumah terbakar di My Lai, 16 Mac 1968Rujukan
 Oliver, Kendrick, The My Lai Massacre in American History And Memory, 2006, m/s. 192^ "Commemorating victims of Son My massacre" VOV News, 13 Mac 2012.
https://www.google.com/




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