Is Umno On The Verge Of Imploding 6 Days Before The Election

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UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi thought he had the perfect plan to drop four ministers loyal to prime minister Ismail Sabri was fool proof. However, when he dropped Shahidan Kassim, Annuar Musa, Adham Baba, and Halimah Mohamed Sadique, along with MPs Zahidi Zainal Abidin, Ismail Abd Muttalib, and Azhar Ahmad, he didn’t anticipate the fierce retaliation.
Shahidan Kassim immediately joined Perikatan Nasional and will most probably take his Arau seat to PN, while others are running as independents. Zahid’s move not only angered those who were dropped, but mobilized many disgruntled UMNO members to take a stand and move with those he dropped. This is not just affecting the constituencies concerned, but going statewide as well.
Former Padang Besar MP made a statement today that the BN will fall in Perlis. Not only will they loose two federal seats, but the state government as well. Zahidi, combining with Shahidan Kassim and Azhar Ahmad certainly have the capability to achieve this.
This is not just isolated to Perlis. UMNO members in Maran, Pahang are moving across to support Ismail Ab Muttalib, who is also running for PN. This is splitting the party on the ground. UMNO secretary general Ahmad Maslan today suspended all party posts of Maran Wanita chief Fatimah Kassim, as well as Arau Wanita UMNO chief Shamsiah Yasin, in a bid to quell the revolt.
UMNO Wanita has traditionally been the section of UMNO that supplies party workers for the election campaign. Ismail Ab Muttalib has a chance of retaining Maran under the PN banner, as the Muhyiddin is finding rekindled popularity in the Malay heartlands.   
In Alor Setar, where the BN has endorsed an MCA candidate Tan Chee Heong, many UMNO members are assisting other candidates. This could threaten BN’s dominance within the seat. In Bagan Datuk, Zahid’s own seat in Perak there are reports of UMNO members not only standing down for the campaign, but actively trying to sabotage his campaign.
The growing rift within UMNO can be clearly seen in the Sungai Buloh campaign, where Khairy Jamaluddin was dumped in a seat that no one within the UMNO leadership thought he could win. Khairy has become a defacto opposition leader, heavily criticizing UMNO’s present leadership and talking about the urgent need to reform UMNO. Although Khairy has to make up 26,000 votes, based on the 2018 seat results, there is significant momentum swinging behind him. However, maybe not enough for him to get up.

Khairy now describes himself as an “UMNO reformist”. If he does get back into parliament on November 19, this could spring into a formal faction within UMNO. Many are speculating Zahid is planning to ditch Ismail Sabri Yaakob as prime minister after the election and attempt to take on this role himself. Whether this is true or not, the idea is destabilizing the party.
UMNO is under immense pressure for campaign funds. Jailed UMNO defacto leader Najib Razak has withheld campaign funds. He funded all the byelections after his defeat in 2018 and played a major role in the Melaka and Johor state elections.
UMNO has lost the competitive advantage it had of being the party with the most funds. It appears Muhyiddin’s Perikatan Nasional has taken that mantle.
Pundits are saying Muhyiddin is no making big inroads upon UMNO strongholds within the Malay heartlands. Poor funding and major infighting six days out from election day is a catastrophe for UMNO.This gives PN the opportunity to become the legitimate Malay voice from the heartlands, at UMNO’s expense.
It is strategically very important for BN to be the largest grouping in parliament after November 19 to form a working government. If UMNO continues to implode over the next few days, their potential position as the largest grouping in the new parliament could be in jeopardy.
That would mean that the Agong would have to invite either Muhyiddin Yassin or Anwar Ibrahim to form a government. A lot has happened in Malaysian politics over the last 24 hours. With all the multi-cornered contests on Saturday, who knows what the result will be.- Murray Hunter
8 reasons BN,PN promises hard to trust...
 Confused with various election manifestos? Most people don’t bother reading through them but vote based on trust. For me, Pakatan Harapan is the most believable of the three main coalitions, as they have been fighting for reforms (and even endured jail time) as opposition politicians for years, indeed decades.
And this time, the main spoilers of the last Harapan government - Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the recycled Umno jokers called Bersatu and former PKR deputy president Azmin Ali’s “cartel” within the party - are mostly gone. As for manifesto promises from either blue gangs – BN and Perikatan Nasional (PN) – here are eight reasons why they are hard to trust.
1. Betrayed voters before
Umno, PAS and Bersatu betrayed the people’s mandate during the Sheraton Move. If they can ignore what people voted for in 2018, what makes you think they will honour whatever promises they make now?
2. Failed core promise of Malay unity
They claimed the betrayal was for the “noble cause” of “Malay unity” against the “DAP/Chinese threat”. Unity? Within months, they were hissing and clawing at each other like wild cats. Bersatu tried to gain more strength by enticing PAS, the “wife” of Umno, away from its 2019 Muafakat Nasional political marriage. Umno then accused PAS of “main dua kolam” (playing with two partners).
Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah was harsher, blasting PAS as a “political prostitute”. PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang responded by calling Umno an ungrateful “duck with a broken leg.” What a soap opera!
In August 2021, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s faction of Umno backstabbed Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin, forcing him to resign as prime minister. And so the Sheraton Move traitors were now betraying each other.
Even as late as last month, PAS still pined for Umno’s love, but was told to buzz off. Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned, so Hadi responded with his “holy” proclamation that Umno was still “keruh” (murky) with bribery. He added that working with Umno was like eating “unripe durian” that could upset the stomach. Can voters trust these three quarrelling circus clowns?
3. Stability? Or civil war?
Both BN and PN promise “stability”. BN’s slogan is “stability and prosperity” while the manifesto for PN trumpets “concerned, clean and stable”. The respected Merdeka Center survey shows that Harapan leads with 26 percent support while it’s 24 percent for BN and only 13 percent for PN (led by Bersatu and PAS). So both BN and PN may need to sleep in the same political bed again to form a government. That means more backbiting drama, not “stability”.
Bersatu is rumoured to have tension between groups aligned with Azmin and Hamzah Zainudin. Azmin’s former ally Zuraida Kamaruddin then left Bersatu and hopped to Parti Bangsa Malaysia (PBM) only to end up in another power struggle.
Umno is torn by an internal civil war after Zahid chopped off Ismail Sabri Yaakob’s allies from contesting the election. Dropped warlords like Shahidan Kassim of Arau and Tajuddin Abdul Rahman of Pasir Salak, have reacted badly.
This is Umno’s most delicious “noodles” on full display. No, not char kuey teow but “cah keting”, which means internal sabotage. One sign of this is that political hitman Raja Petra Kamarudin (RPK), said to be linked to certain Umno leaders, is now constantly attacking Zahid.
Then there is the MACC. It declared “Mana Ada Corruption Case?” (No corruption case) for scandals like 1MDB. But amazingly, it now wants to fly all the way to England to ask RPK for proof that Zahid is involved in the littoral combat ship (LCS) scandal. Is it a coincidence that MACC reports to Ismail Sabri? Does all this look like “stability” to you?
PN chairperson Muhyiddin with his coalition’s manifesto
4. WBND - Why before never do?
Both BN and PN have been together in a “fusion” government since March 2020. Heck, it’s hard to tell apart their shades of blue! Now they are promising various goodies. Here’s the simple question: WBND - Why before never do? Are they sincere?
For example, PN is now pledging free school buses for the poor. Well, Bersatu’s Mohd Radzi Md Jidin has been the education minister. Why didn’t he implement this earlier? Surely, it doesn’t cost that much? PN also promises one million “high-paying” digital economy jobs. How many such jobs have they created so far?
What about BN? It has assured free higher education for all B40 students. But why hasn’t Umno’s Higher Education Minister Noraini Ahmad already done this? For money, she could have asked Finance Minister Tengku Zafrul Abdul Aziz, also from Umno.
PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang
5. Racism
Umno, Bersatu and PAS all champion a Malay-Muslim agenda. So, will the aid promised in their manifestos be fairly given to all races?
Former Suhakam commissioner Jerald Joseph said “too many layers in the civil service bureaucracy” have hampered previous efforts to help the poor. This has worsened as certain racial and political factors can influence who receives more aid. “So how will it be different this time?” Joseph asked.
The signs are not good. Hadi made an unholy diagnosis that non-bumiputera are the main "root of corruption". As for Umno, its supporters called the DAP’s Malay candidate for the Ayer Hitam seat “a Chinese dog”. So, I laughed when I read that BN’s manifesto now promises to “recognise racial inclusiveness”.
6. Proven failures
The biggest issue now is inflation. But even though the grand-sounding National Action Council on Cost of Living has been running since February 2020, prices have kept climbing. Don’t forget that we also have the National Consumer Action Council, the Economic Action Council, the National Recovery Council and (since June) the Special Task Force on Jihad Against Inflation.
If so many councils, task forces and ministries under the fusion BN-PN government have failed to tackle inflation, how can their manifesto promises succeed? What do you expect when the few capable ministers like Khairy Jamaluddin are sidelined rather than promoted? In the issue of “chickenomics”, I traced how they screwed up subsidies for farmers that were meant to keep chicken prices low. And then Ismail Sabri twisted it into a “jihad” issue.
Both BN and PN have failed. Don’t take my word for it. Just listen to what these jokers themselves say. In September, PN chairperson Muhyiddin Yassin slammed Ismail Sabri for failing to manage the economy, with a falling ringgit, rising inflation and 31 percent of Malaysians struggling with debts and bills.
Ismail Sabri fired back, hey it’s not only my fault. Bersatu ministers are also in the cabinet and share the blame too. And the National Economic Recovery Council (yes, yet another council) is chaired by Muhyiddin himself!

7. Impossible promises
Zahid and BN have promised 5G connections for all rural schools within 18 months. DAP’s Rajiv Rishyakaran replied, hello… even parts of Kuala Lumpur now lack 5G. BN should first repair schools with leaking roofs and broken toilets, he added.
Remember Veveonah Mosibin, the youth from Sabah who had to climb up a tree to get a data signal for her online exam? If they can’t even get 4G rural broadband done, why talk of 5G? Don’t worry, if it fails, the taichi blame game will be repeated.
8. Corruption is the key
BN and PN can offer loads of sweet promises in their manifestos. But these are doomed to flop if leaders are more interested in filling their pockets, than in doing their jobs. There will be no money to help the rakyat when money vanishes through more scandals like 1MDB or LCS.
Even “holy” PAS is tainted. Its Environment and Water Minister Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man “bulldozed” a RM2 billion flood project to an alleged “Umno crony” company, as PKR’s Rafizi Ramli has just revealed.
As for BN, Zahid has himself admitted that the real motive in the election is for BN leaders to escape getting charged with corruption.
What about Bersatu? Its former vice-president Abdul Rashid Abdul Rahman demanded government contracts and positions for party leaders – and got a standing ovation. That shows their mindset.
PH chairperson Anwar Ibrahim with ‘Kita Boleh!’ manifesto
Conclusion
People grumble that Harapan “didn’t do anything” in their 22-month rule. But they forget that billions were saved from inflated megaprojects like ECRL, LRT3 and MRT2. The problem is that many people didn’t feel the benefits reaching them. Nobody remembers the 18 percent discount on tolls.
A detailed report card by think tank Ideas revealed that 30 percent of the 224 sub-promises of Harapan’s manifesto were either implemented or in progress after one year in power. Could more have been done if the Sheraton Move had not intervened? You can read Harapan's manifesto and decide for yourself how much can be achieved this time.
But if you're too lazy to do that, then just think about what BN-PN didn’t do in their 33 months of power. Or what Umno/BN did when former premier Najib Abdul Razak and Zahid were in charge. Can we trust their promises now? The eight reasons I’ve given here suggest that’s a gamble not worth taking. - Andrew Sia



cheers.

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