New Us Security Strategy Reframes Asean S Choices

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THE United States’ 2025 National Security Strategy (NSS) arrives at a moment when ASEAN is grappling with intensifying great-power rivalry, a shifting global economic order, and persistent uncertainty in the South China Sea.
While Washington’s new blueprint is meant to reinforce US leadership and uphold a “free and open Indo-Pacific”, its implications for Southeast Asia are more complicated than the document admits.
From maritime security to technology governance and economic resilience, the NSS reframes ASEAN’s strategic options, narrowing some, expanding others, and placing Malaysia and its neighbours at a crossroads where hedging becomes harder and neutrality more contested.
For ASEAN, the most consequential element of the NSS is its framing of China as the United States’ “primary strategic competitor”. This language sets the tone for an approach that privileges deterrence, forward military presence, and mini-lateral security partnerships such as AUKUS and the Quad.
Although the strategy publicly affirms ASEAN centrality, it simultaneously elevates smaller, more agile coalitions that bypass ASEAN’s consensus-driven mechanisms.
(Image: Reuters)This duality creates a structural dilemma for the region: the United States recognises ASEAN, but does not rely on it. As a result, ASEAN risks being politically acknowledged but strategically sidelined.
The NSS also introduces a sharper US commitment to uphold international law in the South China Sea, deter coercion, and support partners facing pressure.
For ASEAN claimant states like Malaysia, Vietnam, the Philippines, and Brunei, this offers a reassuring external counterweight to China’s expansive maritime activity.
Yet the benefits come with risks. Increased US naval operations, combined with stronger diplomatic and military support for Southeast Asian claimants, could escalate tactical encounters at sea.
ASEAN, already split between maritime claimants and states with no direct stake in the South China Sea, must now navigate higher external military activity and heightened regional suspense.
Malaysia’s challenge is particularly delicate. Unlike the Philippines, which openly confronts Beijing, Malaysia prefers quiet diplomacy and operational management. Its goal is to avoid public escalation while maintaining workable relations with all major powers.
The new NSS, however, encourages more proactive and visible forms of cooperation with Washington. This could take the form of expanded maritime exercises, intelligence sharing, or technological integration—initiatives that strengthen Malaysia’s capacity but risk political signalling that complicates its relationship with China.
Kuala Lumpur will need to calibrate participation carefully to avoid being perceived as aligning with either bloc.
Beyond hard security, the NSS carries significant economic implications for ASEAN. Washington’s goal of diversifying global supply chains away from China presents both an opportunity and a challenge.
Southeast Asia stands to benefit from US investments in semiconductors, critical minerals, renewable energy, and digital infrastructure.
Countries like Malaysia and Vietnam may accelerate their roles as manufacturing hubs in a US-aligned supply chain. However, these benefits may require compliance with American regulatory frameworks and export controls, pushing the region deeper into technological bifurcation.
(Image: iStock)This would pressure ASEAN states to choose between American and Chinese technology ecosystems: an outcome most governments wish to avoid.
The NSS also emphasises resilience in critical infrastructure, including undersea cables, ports, cybersecurity, and energy systems.
ASEAN’s infrastructure vulnerabilities are well known: fragmented cybersecurity standards, porous digital governance, and insufficient maritime surveillance. US capacity-building programmes could help close these gaps, strengthening ASEAN’s long-term stability.
Yet the region must balance this with China’s dominant role in financing and constructing physical infrastructure, including industrial parks, rail lines, ports, and telecommunications equipment. Accepting more US digital and security assistance may require re-evaluating Chinese-built systems, a politically sensitive move with economic consequences.
For ASEAN as an institution, the deeper issue is strategic relevance. Washington’s NSS proposes a vision of the Indo-Pacific anchored by US alliances and principles. China offers a different vision centered on connectivity, trade, and non-interference.
ASEAN’s traditional approach of neutrality, inclusivity, and gradualism is becoming increasingly misaligned with the heightened strategic competition outlined in the NSS. As the United States and China harden their positions, ASEAN risks becoming an arena rather than an arbiter of regional order.
To maintain agency, ASEAN must reinforce its diplomatic cohesiveness. This includes strengthening the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) as a counter-narrative to competing great-power strategies. The AOIP emphasises dialogue, economic integration, and non-alignment, but its implementation has been slow.
The NSS, by accelerating great-power rivalry, indirectly pressures ASEAN to operationalise the AOIP with clearer priorities particularly in maritime cooperation, supply chain sustainability, and digital governance.
Malaysia, as one of ASEAN’s more diplomatically assertive middle powers, can help anchor this effort. Its tradition of non-alignment, combined with its growing economic and technological ambitions, positions it as a bridge between competing visions.
(Image: Bernama)Kuala Lumpur can advocate for maritime confidence-building measures, strengthen ASEAN’s cyber capacity, and promote rules-based cooperation without aligning with any single power.
Moreover, Malaysia can quietly coordinate with Indonesia and Singapore to preserve ASEAN unity at a time when external pressures risk deepening internal divisions.
Ultimately, the NSS reshapes ASEAN’s choices rather than dictating them. The region gains new opportunities in economic diversification, maritime resilience, and technological upgrading but also faces rising risks of strategic entanglement, economic fragmentation, and geopolitical miscalculation.
For ASEAN to navigate this landscape effectively, it must articulate a clear, unified, and proactive strategy that reflects its own interests rather than merely responding to external agendas.
The NSS is a reminder that Southeast Asia is no longer on the margins of global strategy. The Indo-Pacific is now the centre of geopolitical gravity, and ASEAN must move from being a venue for great-power diplomacy to becoming a genuine strategic actor.
For Malaysia, this means strengthening national resilience, reinforcing regional cooperation, and maintaining a principled yet pragmatic foreign policy. The choices framed by Washington’s NSS are not binary but they demand a sharper, more confident ASEAN response. 
R. Paneir Selvam is the principal consultant of Arunachala Research & Consultancy Sdn Bhd (ARRESCON), a think tank specialising in strategic national and geopolitical matters.
The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of  MMKtT.
- Focus Malaysia.

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